Criminal charges for threats to CINS Editor-in-Chief Milica Šarić on Twitter have been filed with the Special Prosecutor’s Office for High-Tech Crime via the Working Group for the Safety of Journalists. Charges have also been filed with the same Prosecutor’s Office for threats to the CINS office on Facebook.
By changing the way in which it shows political parties’ presence in the media during an election campaign, the Regulatory Authority for Electronic Media has created an image where the Serbian Progressive Party and the Alliance for Serbia were represented in a similar measure. The body included various kinds of media and actors in the total election campaign time, which it had not done before, and so instead of the Serbian Progressive Party getting tenfold more time than the Alliance for Serbia, it allegedly got only slightly more.
The National Health Insurance Fund of the Republic of Serbia in July concluded agreements with the Second Cycle company worth roughly 58 million dinars (without VAT) for the procurement of coronavirus tests and reagents. This company, which has in the past engaged in the sale of egg production boosters, got a new owner this past March – former Socialist Party of Serbia alderwoman in Mionica, Dragana Zeman. We were unable to learn more about this deal and the company from either the Health Insurance Fund or the former and current company owners. They were not at the address where the company was registered during the making of the deal, and they changed the address only after CINS journalists went to visit it.
The numerous reactions to CINS’ database about MPs costs and one denial speak only of one thing – that we have to call on officials to be transparent and responsible more often and in greater numbers.
Serology or so-called rapid tests based on which attempts are made at determining whether patients have the coronavirus are not reliable and can hide the real condition of the infected. Although Crisis Headquarters member Darija Kisić Tepavčević claims that these tests are not included in official statistics, her colleague Predrag Kon claims otherwise.
After the protests in Belgrade and Novi Sad in early July, misdemeanor courts handed down a total of 43 convictions in expedited proceedings. Almost half of these verdicts were reached based on statements by police officers, whereas the judges did not consider statements by citizens to be true. According to a CINS analysis, for similar cases of insulting a police officer or carrying a flare some received a minimum fine, while others were sentenced to prison. Two judges of the Misdemeanor Court in Belgrade particularly stood out in terms of sentencing, as out of the total 12 verdicts we had access to they handed down prison sentences in as many as nine.
Although no major incidents occurred at a protest in Niš, nor were there any clashes between the demonstrators and police, plainclothes policemen attempted to arrest 24-year-old Mitar Stojanović after the demonstrations on July 8, while he was sitting with his friends at a bar. Stojanović claims that they did not show any ID, that they pulled guns, and that he was questioned in the premises of the Security Information Agency in Niš.
Although the July 9 protests in several Serbian cities passed in a predominantly peaceful atmosphere, the public is still disturbed by what was seen on the streets on July 7 and 8 – large quantities of tear gas, violence, brutal attacks by the police on demonstrators, even on those who posed no threat. While representatives of non-governmental organizations say that unauthorized use of force by the police is prohibited, some of the protesters have told CINS that police beat them even though they had not participated in the riots.
A seven-month struggle for information on how much budget money was given to MPs in the previous period ended with data for 402 MPs, but not for one familiar name – Parliament Speaker Maja Gojković.
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